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Maya weaving has endured as a means of economic survival throughout the centuries. It has survived the collapse of Classic Maya society, Spanish rule, political repression, and exploitation by foreign tourist markets. Historically, the Maya have had a subsistence culture, each family growing its own food. Men worked the land; women nurtured families and wove cloth for personal use, trade, and tribute. Weaving was central to their way of life. Mothers passed the skills of weaving to daughters, generation after generation. Clothing reflected faith, societal status, and village origin.

Weaving for foreigners began with Spanish rule in the sixteenth century. The Spanish conquerors used Maya weavers and their products for their own profit. Weavers were subject to a colonial policy that forced the Maya to sell their cloth and thread below cost and in turn buy it back at inflated prices (Morris 1991:403). As Guatemala and Mexico became part of the global market in the twentieth century, weaving became a cottage industry. Home production of textiles allowed women to tend to regular domestic duties and also bring in a cash income. As an autonomous enterprise, women controlled production, sales, and earnings.

Today, the Maya can no longer survive on subsistence activities. An imbalance in land distribution between the Indian and Ladino (non-Indian) populations means that the Maya lack enough land to support their families. This unequal land distribution, combined with population growth, has pushed subsistence farming to extinction in many areas. Consequently, weaving has become a primary means of economic survival, resulting in women taking on more substantial roles as steady providers (Nash 1993:158-163).

The growth of the tourist industry in Guatemala has created a considerable demand for indigenous crafts. This has had a tremendous impact on the dynamics of weaving, changing both the process and the product. Gradually, women have lost their autonomy. As demand for Maya cloth has flourished, many women have become laborers for middlemen who sell products to tourists. In turn, the tourist market has influenced the product. The demand for cheaply made cloth and non-traditional items has encouraged weavers to abandon labor intensive weaving methods, to use factory made materials, and even to relinquish traditional designs.

Although commercial sale of Maya weaving is a thriving industry, individual artisans are often poorly compensated. But the emergence of weaving cooperatives has given weavers a new direct marketing tool. Even weavers in remote areas can sell directly through cooperatives and be fairly compensated for their work. Cooperatives are reviving traditional techniques and designs by bringing experienced weavers together with younger weavers who wish to learn (Nash 1993:166-170).

The first cooperatives date back to the 1950s and 1960s. The Mexican government developed programs to aid artisans with raw materials and marketing in response to indigenismo, a policy that recognized indigenous culture and arts and their contribution to the overall economy. Government agencies bought products directly from artisans and then sold them in agency stores. These programs and the ones that followed in the early 1970s were often heavily subsidized and lacked effective marketing strategies so that when economic support ran out the programs failed (Morris 1991).

Although unsuccessful, the government programs led to the formation of cooperatives that involve the artisans directly and eliminate the role of middlemen. Sna Jolobil (House of the Weaver) in San Cristobal de Las Casas was formed in 1977 and was the first cooperative to be run by artisans. Members weave in their homes and sell their textiles directly in the San Cristobal store. This cooperative has been successful in finding a viable market to ensure continued outlets for the artisans' work: a collector-oriented market willing to pay for authenticity and the weaversą time (Scheville 1997:141). In addition, Sna Jolobil is dedicated to promoting high quality traditional textiles and reviving and preserving age-old techniques.

In Guatemala cooperatives have been particularly important in the lives of women left widowed by the recent civil wars. Santiaga Mendoza runs a successful cooperative for widows through her family store in Todos Santos. Here, tourists can see women weaving on the traditional backstrap loom. The quality of the textiles produced is important, but weavers adapt to market demands by weaving colors popular with tourists (Scheville,1997). Without these concessions weavers would find it difficult to support themselves and their families. Though their marketing strategies may be different cooperatives have created a more hopeful economic climate for Maya weavers and may help to preserve their age-old traditions.

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